Nepal’s Gen Z

A Week of Hope and Upheaval: Nepal’s Tumultuous Journey Amid Growing Inequality in Asia

A week ago, I was drafting a research report on the rising inequality in Asia and its connection to increasing state repression of civic freedoms. Amid the widespread state crackdowns and draconian laws across the region, I sought islands of hope. Nepal quickly came to mind.

In 2015, Nepal adopted a rather inclusive and radical constitution. Following this, several law reforms gave civil society a formal role in developmental planning. The Local Government Operation Act of 2017 was a landmark law mandating local governments to ensure inclusive and participatory planning. Ward committees, social audits, public hearings, and citizen scorecards became regular tools to engage the public and civil society organizations in municipal budgeting, project selection, and oversight.

Civil society groups also collaborated with the Office of the Auditor General to conduct performance audits, directly monitoring public service delivery and corruption, and publicly reporting their findings. Even Freedom House, which rated Nepal as partly free, acknowledged the country’s real progress in media freedom, local protest rights, and inclusive development.

However, this optimism evaporated overnight.

News broke that 19 protesters had been killed after young demonstrators—self-identifying as Gen Z—took to the streets to protest a sweeping social media ban. WhatsApp, Facebook, and Instagram—the virtual lifelines of a generation—were suddenly blocked. What followed was rapid and devastating.

The situation unraveled quickly, leading to a nationwide uprising marked by mass-scale arson and destruction of public institutions—including Parliament, Supreme Court, five-star hotels, and private residences of the rich and famous, as well as politicians across party lines. Anarchy had been unleashed.

By the time the army finally took control of the streets, more than 70 people were dead; senior politicians had been publicly beaten; and the government was toppled. Several facts stand out:

– It took the killing of just 19 people to bring down a government—the 14th since 2008, when a long-reigning monarchy fell.

– The outgoing prime minister, KP Oli, had been sworn into power three times, but governments kept changing, creating a perception that political parties were merely playing musical chairs.

Despite earlier progressive reforms, Nepal was spiraling deeper into a debt crisis similar to those in Sri Lanka and Pakistan. The country, which once had one of the highest social protection budgets in the region (around 6 percent of GDP), was forced to cut welfare allocations to manage its debt. Per capita income remained among the lowest in Asia.

Nepal is one of the youngest countries in Asia, with more than a fifth of its youth unemployed. The young protesters distrusted so-called independent media institutions, attacking those they labeled corrupt.

The social media ban became a powerful symbol—not just of censorship but also of the denial of the last tool young people had to organize against rampant corruption, nepotism, and ostentatious elite privilege. The protesters stressed that their movement was rooted in anger over corruption and “nepo-kids” flaunting extravagant lifestyles.

Looking at the Bigger Picture in South Asia

Nepal is the third country in South Asia to witness a youth-led mass uprising in recent years. We have already seen the viral video takeovers of palatial residences belonging to political elites like Rajapaksa in Sri Lanka and Sheikh Hasina’s government in Bangladesh.

In each case, the uprisings coincided with declining macroeconomic indicators. Sri Lanka, for instance, defaulted on a sovereign debt payment for the first time and implemented massive welfare cuts. The youth movement there organized around “Aragalaya” (Struggle) against economic collapse and government corruption. The protest site at Galle Face Green, dubbed “Gotta Go Gama,” became a symbol of democratic resistance, uniting people across ethnic and religious divides.

In Bangladesh, protests erupted over a disputed job quota. In 2023, 40 percent of youth aged 15-29 were classified as NEET (not in employment, education, or training), with an estimated 18 million young people out of work.

Meanwhile, the region’s two largest countries paint a stark contrast:

– Pakistan, long troubled by debt, has suppressed mass political protests in recent years. The principal opposition leader remains in jail.

– India has witnessed Prime Minister Modi’s iron hand crushing political opposition, while also channeling youth frustration into targeting minorities and promoting aggressive Hindutva nationalism.

Across these diverse local contexts, common themes emerge: economic precarity, youth anger, distrust of political elites, and a widespread sense that the system is irredeemably corrupt. Yet, the outcomes remain uncertain.

Ongoing Challenges and the Road Ahead

Looking at Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, challenges persist. Under IMF pressure, Sri Lanka’s elected government has not altered its grim debt trajectory. In Bangladesh, the political situation remains unsettled, with elections pending and an ageing Nobel Laureate holding the fort. Nepal has similarly followed Dhaka’s lead by appointing a retired Supreme Court judge to head its caretaker government.

The larger question is: How will these battered societies rebuild trust in their political classes?

History is often rewritten in hindsight. Nepal’s abrupt turn from a model of participatory governance to a theater of upheaval is a sobering reminder of how quickly hope can collapse.

Needless to say, I had to revisit my first draft and rewrite the entire section.

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This turbulent episode in Nepal’s recent history underscores the fragile balance between progress and regression in many Asian countries today, amidst rising inequality and political unrest. It is a story of youthful energy, systemic failures, and the urgent need for accountable governance in the region.
https://www.thenews.com.pk/tns/detail/1345075-nepals-gen-z

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